134 4 hard and be an involved father rather than blaming racism for his problems (StephensDougan, 2020: 67). Muslim politicians in France, Germany, the Netherlands and other West European countries frequently practice what I call “religious distancing.” There are many examples of Muslim (origin) politicians belonging to green and social democratic parties distancing themselves from religious stereotypes. For instance, the Dutch Labour party politician Ahmed Marcouch actively promoted a pro-gay agenda and even took part in the Amsterdam gay pride multiple times (Mepschen et al., 2010: 972). Whether politicians practice religious distancing or are selected by party gatekeepers due to their pre-existing religious distance, the outcome for voters is the same: there are many examples of liberal Muslim politicians. Party gatekeepers on the left wish to showcase liberal candidates who embrace gender and sexual equality (Kundnani, 2012) and have incentives to promote “exceptionally assimilated minorities, who are careful not to demonstrate any outward signs of religious affiliation” (Bird, 2005: 439). In contrast, party gatekeepers on the right tend to favor Muslim (origin) politicians who are openly critical of Islam from their unique vantage points: such “codebreakers” represent both an “authentic” Muslim voice and criticism of Islam, making them particularly appealing to right-wing parties and voters (Korteweg and Yurdakul, 2021). Examples include Gisele Halimi in France, Lale Akgün in Germany and Ayaan Hirsi Ali in the Netherlands (Korteweg and Yurdakul, 2021: 6). In sum, Muslim politicians who are outspoken about their support for causes such as gender equality, secularism and homosexuality are often heralded by left-wing parties and voters, whereas Muslim (origin) politicians who speak out against Islam are appreciated by right-wing parties and voters. The French, German and Dutch languages all have terms for such politicians: ‘Arabes de service’ in French, ‘Vorzeigetürke’ in German and ‘Alibi Ali’ in Dutch (Dancygier, 2017: 179). The prevalence of Muslim politicians with outspokenly liberal views may also lead to the counterstereotyping of Muslim politicians as a “subtype” to which stereotypes of Muslims do not apply (Schneider and Bos, 2014). For Muslim voters, the prevalence of this “subtype” of Muslim politician can lead to “suppressive representation” (Aydemir and Vliegenthart, 2016), with elected Muslim representatives not only being outspoken about gender equality and gay rights (topics that may not be high on many Muslim voters’ agendas) but criticizing and even legally restricting Islamic practices, directly countering the interests of Muslim voters (idem). Despite the high hopes many Muslim citizens may have of Muslim politicians, the latter often leave Muslim citizens feeling betrayed (Akachar, 2018; Akachar et al., 2017). In a system where Muslim voters are but a sliver of the electorate, politicians and party gatekeepers prefer Muslim politicians who openly embrace homosexuality and tick the boxes that party gatekeepers demand to qualify for inclusion (Dancygier, 2013, 2017). Many Muslim politicians indeed use religious distancing to expand their voter
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