142 C Theoretical advancements This dissertation has explored the landscape of minority politics. Passing through representation theory, social identity theory, and heuristics theory, I contributed to the dimensions of representation as conceptualized by Hanna Pitkin: formalistic, descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation. By moving beyond the normative propositions put forth by eminent scholars like Mansbridge, Young, and Williams, and infusing Saward’s citizen-centric approach, I find that shared religious identity is the most important determinant of voting citizens’ preferences. This finding, consistent across both non-religious majority and Muslim voting citizens (Chapter 2), underscores the profound impact of religious affiliation on political choices (Chapter 2, 3, 4). The resonance of shared religious identity in influencing preferences emphasizes the potency of religion within the political landscape. Interestingly, while religious identity stands out as a dominant force shaping voting preferences, my empirical exploration did not uncover similar patterns with respect to shared migration background (Chapter 2) nor shared ethnic in-group favoritism (Chapter 3). The contrast between these two facets of identity underscores the unique significance of religion in shaping political affinity and should therefore receive more attention in normative, constructivist and positivist approaches to voting and representation amongst minority and majority groups. This dissertation adds to Social Identity Theory by shedding light on citizen identity, strategies for positive distinctiveness, and the manifestation of in-group favoritism. Building upon Social Identity Theory’s assertion that in-group favoritism is more likely to occur in high-status groups, I find that voting citizens with a migration background demonstrate a tendency to align themselves with high-status out-groups, reflecting what can be termed a “social mobility belief system” within Social Identity Theory. This belief system, suggesting permeable group boundaries and attainable social mobility, prompts voting citizens with a migration background to favor politicians from French, German, and Dutch backgrounds over those sharing their own low-status group identity (Chapter 2). In contrast, Muslim voting citizens’ preferences provide insights into a distinct dimension of in-group favoritism, aligning with a “social change belief system” within Social Identity Theory. This pattern consistently exists in the data from my meta-analysis, mostly based on US-data (Chapter 1). In Europe, however, the differential patterns observed in the Netherlands, France, and Germany signify varying perceptions of group boundaries and intergroup relations. In the Dutch context, where Muslim representation is comparatively high, the embrace of Muslim politicians reflects a sense of social competition and resistance against perceived out-group superiority. This contrasts with the more secure perceptions of group boundaries in France and Germany, where Muslim voting citizens’ preference for their in-group reflects an acknowledgment of existing status differences and stable relations (Chapter 2). This
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