86 2 religious voters giving a consistent and significantly lower voting likelihood to Muslim over Christian and Muslim politicians, despite this perceived convertibility being highly disputed (Meer and Modood, 2012). Non-religious voters who perceive religion as impermeable rather than a choice, with low permeability, may be more inclined to adopt a “social change belief system.” Within this belief system, the perceived legitimacy and stability of religious identity may foster social creativity, including a sense of “magnanimity” or belief in one’s own goodness. This may lead to latent discrimination and covert repression, where individuals signal their virtuous morals on gender equality and LGBTQ+ rights as a justification for being critical of Muslims, aligning with the concepts of femonationalism and homonationalism (Farris, 2017; Puar, 2013). Conversely, perceived illegitimacy and instability (such as the belief that Muslims are taking over society) may generate insecure relations in which both social creativity and social competition promote out-group inferiority (Haslam, 2001: 26), as exemplified by supporters of replacement theory (Bracke and Hernández Aguilar, 2020). All three mechanisms that Social Identity Theory outlines for high-status groups lead to in-group favoritism. There is already much research on the mechanisms underlying in-group favoritism, racism, prejudice and discrimination towards Muslims (e.g. Fernández-Reino et al., 2022; Helbling and Traunmüller, 2018; Weichselbaumer, 2020) and an implication of further research is that this should be extended to the field of political representation and identity politics in Europe (as already studied in the US by Jardina and Stephens-Dougan, 2021). In addition to the mechanisms proposed by Social Identity Theory, this research underscores the significance of shared policy positions as compared to shared identity in influencing voter behavior. Specifically, policy positions that advocate for gender equality and combatting climate change resonate with voters who are in favor of these issues. For instance, a candidate who champions policies promoting gender equality, such as equal pay, paternity leave, and gender quotas, is most likely to gain support from voters who share these concerns. Similarly, a candidate who prioritizes policies addressing climate change, such as renewable energy and environmental conservation, is likely to attract voters who share these priorities as well. This makes these policy areas advisable for politicians of color and Muslims who aim to expand their appeal among voter bases that share these ideas. Extant literature suggests that party selectors from parties with voters who hold egalitarian worldviews face challenges when promoting diversity and inclusion of Muslim politicians on their party list (Dancygier, 2017). They aim to attract voters who value diversity and inclusion, but are cautious about candidates who may not support cosmopolitan issues like gender equality (idem) or also climate change. By including Muslim politicians who are outspoken in their support for gender equality on their list, they are pursuing a cautious solution (idem). My research aligns with these intuitions of party selectors, as it demonstrates the high appreciation of politicians, regardless of
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