97 3 could have been the internal strife within the party following a scandal involving the former Turkish-Dutch leader Kuzu, which ultimately led to his replacement by the Dutch-Moroccan politician Azarkan in March 2020. The timing of this scandal and succession coincided with the data-gathering period for this study. As the leader of the party switched from someone with a Turkish background to someone with a Moroccan background, Moroccans might have become more inclined to support DENK as compared to their Turkish counterparts. Rather than ethnic affinity voting, Muslim affinity voting may be the primary driver behind voting for DENK. As many Dutch citizens with a migration background from Turkey or Morocco are also Muslim, it can be challenging to distinguish which in-group they favour. It is possible that citizens with a migration background from a Muslimmajority country prefer politicians with the same migration background because they are Muslim, rather than because of their ethnicity. In other words, is ethnic affinity voting actually a proxy for Muslim affinity voting (as suggested by di Stasio et al., 2019; Fisher et al., 2014: 900)? Therefore, treating in-group favouritism as a scale could help disentangle ethnic and religious affinity voting, enabling a comparison of how significant either factor is to the voter who identifies as both Turkish/Moroccan and Muslim. Voting for DENK is an excellent way to examine ethnic and religious in-group favouritism because their parliamentary representatives are almost all openly Muslim and of Turkish/Moroccan descent.
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